HARARE
(Reuters) - President Robert Mugabe stunned Zimbabwe on Sunday by making no
mention of resignation in a television address, defying his own ZANU-P
F party,
which had sacked him hours earlier, and hundreds of thousands of protesters who
had already hailed his downfall.
But in the
speech from his State House office, sitting alongside a row of generals, Mugabe
acknowledged criticisms from ZANU-PF, the military and the public but made no
mention of his own position.
Instead, he
said the events of the week were not “a challenge to my authority as head of
state and government”, and pledged to preside over the congress scheduled for
next month.
Opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai was dumbstruck.
“I am
baffled. It’s not just me, it’s the whole nation. He’s playing a game,” he told
Reuters. “He is trying to manipulate everyone. He has let the whole nation
down.”
ZANU-PF had
given the 93-year-old, who has led his country since independence in 1980, less
than 24 hours to quit as head of state or face impeachment, an attempt to
secure a peaceful end to his tenure after a de facto military coup.
Chris
Mutsvangwa, the leader of the liberation war veterans who have been
spearheading an 18-month campaign to oust Mugabe, said plans to impeach him in
parliament, which next sits on Tuesday, would now go ahead, and that there
would be mass protests on Wednesday.
He also
implied that Mugabe, who spoke with a firm voice but occasionally lost his way
in his script during the 20-minute address, was not aware of what had happened
just hours earlier.
“BLIND OR
DEAF”
“Either
somebody within ZANU-PF didn’t tell him what had happened within his own party,
so he went and addressed that meeting oblivious, or (he was) blind or deaf to
what his party has told him,” Mutsvangwa said.
ZANU-PF’s
central committee had earlier named Emmerson Mnangagwa as its new leader. It
was Mugabe’s sacking of Mnangagwa as his vice-president - to pave the way for
his wife Grace to succeed him - that triggered the army’s intervention.
On Saturday,
hundreds of thousands had taken to the streets of the capital Harare to
celebrate Mugabe’s expected downfall and hail a new era for their country.
In jubilant
scenes, men, women and children ran alongside armoured cars and the troops who
stepped in to target what the army called “criminals” in Mugabe’s inner circle.
Many
heralded a “second liberation” and spoke of their dreams for political and
economic change after two decades of deepening repression and hardship.
They, like
the more than 3 million Zimbabweans who have emigrated to neighbouring South
Africa in search of a better life, are likely to be bitterly disappointed by
Mugabe’s defiance.
Speaking
from a secret location in South Africa, his nephew, Patrick Zhuwao, had told
Reuters that Mugabe and his wife were “ready to die for what is correct” rather
than step down in order to legitimise what he described as a coup.
Zhuwao, who
was also sanctioned by ZANU-PF, did not answer his phone on Sunday. However,
Mugabe’s son Chatunga railed against those who had pushed out his father.
“You can’t
fire a Revolutionary leader!” he wrote on this Facebook page. “ZANU-PF is
nothing without President Mugabe.”
DANGER AHEAD
The huge
crowds in Harare have given a quasi-democratic veneer to the army’s
intervention, backing its assertion that it is merely effecting a
constitutional transfer of power, rather than a plain coup, which would risk a
diplomatic backlash.
But some of
Mugabe’s opponents are uneasy about the prominent role played by the military,
and fear Zimbabwe might be swapping one army-backed autocrat for another,
rather than allowing the people to choose their next leader.
“The real
danger of the current situation is that, having got their new preferred
candidate into State House, the military will want to keep him or her there, no
matter what the electorate wills,” former education minister David Coltart
said.
The United
States, a longtime Mugabe critic, said it was looking forward to a new era in
Zimbabwe, while President Ian Khama of neighbouring Botswana said Mugabe had no
diplomatic support in the region and should resign at once.
Besides
changing its leadership, ZANU-PF said it wanted to change the constitution to
reduce the power of the president, a possible sign of a desire to move towards
a more pluralistic and inclusive political system.
However,
Mnangagwa’s history as state security chief during the so-called Gukurahundi
crackdown, when an estimated 20,000 people were killed by the North
Korean-trained Fifth Brigade in Matabeleland in the early 1980s, suggested that
quick, sweeping change was unlikely.
“The deep
state that engineered this change of leadership will remain, thwarting any real
democratic reform,” said Miles Tendi, a Zimbabwean academic at Oxford
University.
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