When the new
dispensation that heralded the fourth Republic of Nigeria’s democratic era came
in 1999, not a few persons were expectant of speedy of economic recovery
and
democratic dividends. Nigerians thought they were already in their halcyon
days, since the protracted military rule of 16 years of political oppression,
economic depression, and social repression had finally collapsed.
The three
major political parties of the day all came up with slogans that inspired hope
and confidence in the country. People’s Democratic Party (PDP) brandished
‘power to the people’ All People’s Party(APP) swanked ‘one Nigeria’ while
Alliance for Democracy (AD) flaunted ‘justice, peace and progress.’
The youth
who bore the greater brunt of military brutality and crudity wholeheartedly
embraced the development. There were before now remonstrations and
demonstrations across the nation’s Ivory Towers against continued military
dictatorship.
Although the
democratic ethos of the Western world were still sketchy in our clime but the
tragedies which followed avoidable carnage especially in the Northern part of
Nigeria evoked elements of pathos in those early days of our democratic
experience. There appears to be no respite since.
Intention
here is not to disparage our democracy, though many would prefer to call it
civil rule. It is not only baleful, there is also a handful of noticeably
marked differences in the polity. For instance, there is a reasonable press
freedom. Liberalisation of the economy, deregulation of the telecommunications
sector, new salary structure for civil servants, war against corruption and
others are some of the gains.
Whatever
Nigerians thought were dividends to consolidate were later overshadowed by both
unimaginable physical and economic insecurity. It was during this time that
Alhaji Ahmed Sani Yerima the then governor of Zamfara State smuggled the Sharia
legal system into the country in February 2000. This was done in utter disregard
of the constitution which entrenches the secularity of the nation. It posed a
serious threat to the corporate existence of the country, but surprisingly, its
allure, like a devastating tsunami spread to the extent that 12 northern states
fully embraced it while others had restrictive application. The development led
to widespread riots in Kano, Kaduna, Niger, Taraba states and others, resulting
in great fatalities.
With the
introduction of Sharia, the consciousness of fundamentalism was already aroused
among the peasant majority Muslims. Moved by the spirit of the time the late
Mohammed Yusuf galvanised youths in Borno State and ensured electoral victory
for the then governor of Borno State, Ali Modu Sheriff, but after a while he
could no longer enjoy the patronage of the incumbent. Things started going awry
as they became antagonistic to the government of the day and events gradually
snowballed into what is now known as the dreaded Boko Haram sect. The story of
Boko Haram’s blaze of basilisk wantonness which has left many people dead,
displaced, orphaned, widowed and destitute is reserved for another day. But
what is shocking is the recent revelation by the governor of Borno State,
Kashim Shettima, that over a hundred thousand people have been killed by the
sect while about two million have been displaced and that the cost of the
destruction is estimated at $6 billion.
While the
North has its own contributions to our harrowing democratic experience, the
South particularly the South –South has its own share. The boys who were used
and dumped by politicians after procuring their victories, bounced back to
express their grievances with massive attack on oil infrastructure, militancy
and kidnapping.
Today, the
impact of their activities can be felt when one considers the statement made by
the Group Managing Director, Nigerian National Petroleum (NNPC), Mr. Maikanti
Baru, that the government lost up to seven billion dollars (N2.1trillion) in
2016 due to militancy. This excludes deaths, personal losses and pollution
arising from oil spillage from numerous bombing of oil facilities and the
general insecurity in the area.
Also, our
electoral process has been be-deviled by flagrant travesty of the process.
Heavy militarisation of elections does not prevent callous destruction of lives
and property. According to a post election report by Centre for Democracy and
Development, more than a hundred people were killed during the 2015 election
alone. And this has continued to be our lot from the inception of this republic.
Apart from
these sanguinary tales that have always trailed this expensive democratic
sojourn, there is apparent profligacy and malfeasance in official conduct of
business .The fourth republic has continued to parade a congeries of
self-serving and greedy leaders whose only reasons for being in power is to
cart away public resources for personal aggrandizement. Nigerian political
office holders are reputed to be the highest earners in the world while the
civil servants are among the lowest paid. Our dilapidated social
infrastructures stare at us menacingly, crying for attention. Today, many
things may be on our governors’ priority list but certainly not the civil
servants, and the pensioners’ salaries. Many have met their untimely death
while others are languishing in sundry deplorable conditions.
We cannot
continue to pretend that all is well, with military personnel being deployed in
30 out of 35 states amid various agitations and growing tensions in the land.
There is palpable discontent and visible ominous signs in the air and this
calls for a convocation of all stakeholders to redefine our continued corporate
existence as Nigerians.
Etim wrote
from Ekpo Abasi lane, Calabar, Cross River State.
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