At the time
General Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi promulgated Decree 34 in 1966,
there were only nine members of the Supreme Military Council. They
include Vice
Admiral Joseph Edet Akinwale Wey, born in Calabar to a Yoruba father and
Ibibio/Efik mother, Brigadier George Tamunoiyowunam Kurubo, from Bonny in the
present Rivers state, Major General David Akpode Ejoor an Urhobo who is from
Ovu in the present Delta State, who was then the Military Governor of
Mid-Western Region, Brigadier General Babafemi Olatunde Ogundipe ,from
Ago-Iwoye in the present Ogun state and General Yakubu ‘Jack’ Dan-Yuuma Gowon,
an Angas from Lur, a small village in the present Kanke Local Government Area
of Plateau State.
Others are
Lieutenant Colonel Hassan Usman Katsina Military Governor of Northern Nigeria
and the son of Alhaji Sir, Usman Nagogo ,the late Emir of Katsina, Colonel
Francis Adekunle Fajuyi from Ado-Ekiti and Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka
Odumegwu-Ojukwu from Nnewi in Anambra state and son of Sir Louis
Odumegwu-Ojukwu, a billionaire who entered politics in 1951 as a member of Dr.
Nnamdi Azikiwe’s National Council of Nigeria Citizens(NCNC) which included him
in the delegation to the London Constitutional Conference in 1961.
Brigadier
Kurubo represented Bonny in the Constituent Assembly between 1977 and 1978
along with other Rivers state delegates including Chief Stephen Alete
(Ikwere/Etche), Chief Nicholas Frank-Opigo (Yenogoa/Sagbama), Mr. Douglas
Graham-Douglas (Degema), Mr. Nwobidike Nwanodi (Port-Harcourt), Dr. Friday O.
Nwafor (Bori), Mr. Clifford Nwuche (Ahoada), and Chief Melford Okilo (Brass).I
used to call him ‘show boy’ because of his urban outlook and he used to call me
‘Eric the red’.
In series of
interviews I did in 1978, with Brigadier Kurubo, who in 1966, was head of the
Air Force, told me then that in retrospect, Decree 34 was unnecessary.He said
’those behind the Decree already had the nation under their grip. The Decree
was an over kill.’
Towards the
end of July 1966 only a few days before the national conference of traditional
rulers was due to hold in Ibadan, General Ironsi announced plans to rotate the
Military Governors and to appoint military ’prefects’ responsible for carrying
out government policy at provincial level. There was also to be some transfers
of army units, e.g. the 4th Batallion stationed since 1957 at Ibadan and the
1st Batalion stationed at Enugu were to interchange.
General
Ironsi is criticized by some Nigerians for not having acted decisively enough
and early enough. It is argued that he should have instituted a unitary form of
government immediately on taking power, when the military enjoyed great
popularity and all the politicians ran for cover.
Mr. S.K.
Panter-Brick of the London School of Economics and Political Science summarized
the situation in a book titled “Nigerian Politics and Military Rule: Prelude to
the Civil War, which he coauthored with Professor W. H. Morris-Jones of the
University of London, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Mr. M.J. Dent, Mr. K.
Whiteman, Professor B.J. Dudley, Mr. A.R. Lockham and Mr. P.F. Dawson.
He wrote”
General Ironsi was perhaps unaware of the strength of this opposition. It is,
of course, difficult, especially in moment of crisis, to keep a balance between
responsible leadership and popular participation, but it is impossible if there
is a total lack of confidence. Had the Military Government quickly brought to
trial those involved in the 15 January coup the necessary degree of confidence
might have been established. But to many Nigerians these men were national
heroes, not murderers, and General Ironsi had himself promised Major Nzeogwu
safe conduct. Yet the fact that General Ironsi was caught in this kind of
dilemma merely underlines the folly of centralizing the administration in
advance of some agreement on the prior constitutional issues.
This was
compounded when he sought to overcome opposition by announcing his intention to
stay in power for three years and at the same time prohibit all political
activities. There was no lack of warning of the probable consequences. Lt. Col.
Hassan Katsina, returning from the meeting of the Supreme Military Council
immediately preceding the promulgation of Decree Nos. 33 and 34, remarked that
the egg was about to break. It cracked and then finally broke, under the impact
of two opposing forces: a Military Government set on imposing its own form of
centralized command, at least as an interim measure, and an opposition
movement, less clearly led and less openly asserted, but sustained by growing
fears of a fait accompli.
On July 29
1966, General Yakubu Gowon became the Head of State and the Supreme Commander
of the Armed Forces. On August 3 1966, he released Chief Obafemi Awolowo from
Calabar prison. On August 12 by the acclamation of the Yoruba Obas and leaders
of thought, Chief Obafemi Awolowo was selected as the leader of the Yorubas at
Western hall Ibadan-the first and only leader to hold such a title.
On 8 and 9
August 1966, representatives of all the Military Governors met in Lagos and
recommended, among other measures, that- (a) Troops should be sent back to
barracks in their region of origin (b) All decrees which centralised affairs in
Lagos should be abrogated (c) Lagos should be garrisoned in a manner to be
determined by the Military Governors (d) A Constitutional Conference should be
constituted to work out a constitution for Nigeria.
The Ad-hoc
Constitution Committee met between September 12 and 28 and again on October 24
to November 1. Chief Awolowo told the delegates as the leader of Western
Region,’ our mandate is very clear; we are not allowed to come here and accept
federation at all cost, and we, in our own good judgment and cannot accept
federation at all cost. As a matter of fact, it is our mandate that if these
conditions cannot be met we are prepared to negotiate them, but our mandate is
clear that if some sort of reasonable compromise cannot be reached on these
conditions then the Western delegation of Nigeria plus Lagos should opt out of
whatever Federation may be created thereafter.
Chief
Anthony Enahoro, the leader of Mid-Western Region to the conference said’ I do
not think that any one will pretend that we can come together if some of us can
go back and set up dictatorships, some can go back and become democracies, and
some of us can go back nd become monarchies, and yet pretend that we are going
to come together later’.
On November
30 1966, General Gowon addressed the nation. He said” Fellow Countrymen, I wish
to speak to you this evening about the measures which the Federal Military
Government will implement to save the country from disintegrating. You are all
aware that the Ad Hoc Committee has been adjourned indefinitely. They had run
into difficulties which made it impossible for them to meet. In those
circumstances there was little hope of the Committee evolving reasonable
solutions to our present crisis. I shall deal later with the conditions under
which the Committee could continue the work it started so well. Or problems
demand urgent solutions.’
Teniola
lives in Lagos.
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